Why is it that everyone in the Tibetan Goverment in Exile is confused about Tibetan history? In this video, Dr. Lobsang Sangay, Prime Minister of the Tibetan Government Exile says that the next Dalai Lama will be chosen by the present Dalai Lama. He says “historically and uhhhh traditionally” this is the way it has been done. Notice how he looks down when he is lying as he says this. Never in history have any of the Dalai Lamas been chosen by the existing Dalai Lama. The reason for this is because every Dalai Lama is supposed to be the reincarnation of the previous Dalai Lama. According to history and tradition, in order for a the next Dalai Lama to appear the current Dalai Lama has to die. Even people who are not Buddhist understand better how reincarnation works than the Tibetan Government in Exile. This is another clear example that proves that none of the members of the Tibetan Government in Exile are Buddhist. They do not believe in reincarnation or any of the other basic tenets of Buddhism. They are all a bunch of politicians hungry for money and power.
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In this video, the Dalai Lama was asked about choosing between Marxism/Socialism and Capitalism, and about closing the gap
between the rich & poor. His view is that the poor need to work harder. The audience was some of the world’s wealthiest people in Aspen, Colorado. Why didn’t the Dalai Lama encourage generosity towards the poor? I guess that’s just another question for “His Holiness”.
This video brings up some interesting questions about Orgyen Trinley’s eyes.
Parts 2 and 3 of a series of articles on the Western Shugden Society website have been posted in the photos section of the site. Click on the links below to read the full articles.
Having been sent to the army, these children were then sent into war with the Dalai Lama’s consent. In the 1971 war in East Pakistan,190 of these Tibetan ‘soldiers’ were injured and 56 were killed.
Clearly, Establishment 22 is the Dalai Lama’s secret army, supplied with fresh recruits from the Tibetan orphans as revealed in the Wikileaks cables.
This is one of Open Secrets Concerning the Fourteenth Dalai Lama presented in the book A Great Deception by the Western Shugden Society. I found more details about the Attempted Coup in Bhutan in the book The Making of Modern Tibet By A. Tom Grunfeld. Below are a few excerpts from page 206.
In April 1973, just months before the official coronation of the current monarch, King Jigme Singye Wangchuck, the government of Bhutan announced the arrest of more than thirty individuals, almost all of them Tibetan refugees. The arrests were said to be in response to a plot that had begun a year earlier with the fatal heart attack of the previous monarch. During the latter years of this king’s reign, one of the most influential people was his alleged mistress. This woman, Ashi Yanki, was accused of being the ringleader of a group that had plotted to kill the young heir to the throne, set fire to the capital of Thimpu, and, in the resulting confusion, carry out a coup that would have effectively put Bhutan under the control of Tibetan refugees. The purpose of this coup, it was claimed, was to turn Bhutan into a military camp and a staging area for raids into neighboring China. It was further alleged that Ashi Yanki’s major source of support and encouragement was none other than Gyalo Thondup [the Dalai Lama’s brother]. …
The Dalai Lama must maintain the absolute and undivided loyalty of the refugees in order to preserve his secular power. He is opposed to assimilation, and is especially opposed to the acquisition of citizenship in the settelment countries. In 1979, it was rumored that representatives of the Dalai Lama were warning Tibetans not to choose Bhutanese citizenship, lest they be barred from any future “independent” Tibet. …
In response, the Bhutanese, wanting all Tibetans to assume citizenship and profess their political loyaties solely to their king, have promised the refugees that they are free to renounce Bhutanese citizenship any time in the future – as are all Bhutanese.
History belies the Shangri-La image of Tibetan lamas and their followers living together in mutual tolerance and non-violent goodwill. Indeed, the situation was quite different. Old Tibet was much more like Europe during the religious wars of the Counter-reformation than a neighborhood in Berkeley, California where synagogue, mosque, church and dharma center make cozy neighbors….For hundreds of years in Tibet, lay followers of each religious school clashed with each other for control of the government of central Tibet or rule over provincial areas. Lamas had to defend their monasteries and landholdings from supporters of the other schools as well as from the central government …
One of this book’s most valuable achievements is to show, for perhaps the first time in English, how the complex sectarian conflicts of Old Tibet followed the lamas when they fled into exile in 1959. At first, faced with the Chinese invasion in the fifties and early sixties, Tibetans experienced a period of unity and the Karmapa and Dalai Lama enjoyed a close friendship. But in exile, things changed. “Hundreds of years of habit would not die so easily,” Curren writes, “and after a few months in India, competition between the administrations of the Dalai Lama and the Karmapa resurfaced. The Dalai Lama and his ministers had just lost their country. In exile, they wanted to create a unified Tibetan community. To achieve this new unity, exile leaders in their new headquarters in the Indian hill-town of Dharamsala began making plans to extend their control over the five religious schools of Tibet .”
Curren’s account of the United Party initiative will be shocking to many readers. The United Party was a plan run by the Dalai Lama’s brother Gyalo Thondup to unite all Tibetans, regardless of their region or religious affiliation, into a coherent group able to stand together against the Chinese. The most controversial part of the plan was a scheme to combine the four Buddhist schools and the Bon religion—governed separately for more than five hundred years back in Tibet —under a single administration led by the Dalai Lama. “When word of the United Party’s religious reform got out in 1964, the exiled government was unprepared for the angry opposition that leaders of the religious schools expressed. To them, this unification plan appeared as a thinly disguised scheme for the exile government to confiscate the monasteries that dozens of lamas had begun to re-establish in exile with funds they had raised themselves.”
The sixteenth Karmapa led the opposition to the United Party, serving as spiritual advisor to a group of refugees from thirteen resettlement camps in India and one in Nepal—the “Fourteen Settlements” group—thus earning the enmity of the Dalai Lama’s ministers in Dharamsala. Under the Karmapa’s leadership, the opposition group succeeded in stopping the religious consolidation plan, and in the mid-seventies, the United Party closed up shop. But apparently ministers in Dharamsala were looking to avenge their political defeat. In 1977, an assassin claiming to be working for the Tibetan exile administration shot and killed the political head of the Fourteen Settlements, Gungthang Tsultrim. As Curren writes, “When apprehended in Kathmandu, the murderer, Amdo Rekhang Tenzin, told the Royal Nepalese Police that the Tibetan exile government had paid him three hundred thousand rupees (about thirty-five thousand dollars) to assassinate Gungthang. Even more shocking, the hit man claimed that Dharamsala offered him a larger bounty to kill the sixteenth Karmapa.”
The above video clip helps to illustrate this point made in the new book A Great Deception by the Western Shugden Society.
The Tibetan government is the Dalai Lama, and the Dalai Lama is the Tibetan government. Behind the trappings of government with its illusion of democracy, the Dalai Lama’s position, with its central tenet, ‘L’etat, c’est moi’ (‘I am the State’), extends its domain of authority over all aspects of policy and decision-making. There is no decision of government that is not the Dalai Lama’s decision.